National Guard's Jan. 6 role was to 'protect pro Trump people,' Mark Meadows said
The House select committee investigating Jan. 6 will vote on holding former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows in contempt on Monday, with a full House vote likely on Tuesday. The committee has receipts, which it described Sunday night in a 51-page document drawing on thousands of text messages and thousands of pages of emails. Meadows is refusing to be deposed by the committee, claiming executive privilege—but both his release of those documents and many of the details in his recently released book seem to show that Meadows’ view of privilege comes and goes with what’s convenient for him.
In one Jan. 5 email described by the select committee, Meadows assured someone—whose identity has not been revealed—that the National Guard would be standby on Jan. 6 to “protect pro Trump people.” Since the D.C. National Guard was not deployed for hours after the Capitol was attacked by a mob of pro-Trump people, with many people involved in the process pointing fingers at the Defense Department in the delay, that’s … very, very interesting. Former Defense Secretary Christopher Miller previously testified that on Jan. 3, Donald Trump personally told him to “do whatever was necessary to protect the demonstrators that were executing their constitutionally protected rights,” Politico notes.
But meanwhile, Team Trump was setting the stage not for demonstrators executing constitutionally protected rights, but for a mob bent on insurrection, and Meadows was a very active part of that. The Washington Post reported over the weekend that Meadows spoke repeatedly with a retired Army colonel involved, along with Trump’s outside lawyers, in the creation of a PowerPoint document laying out alternatives for overturning Trump’s November 2020 election loss, including having U.S. marshals and the National Guard seize ballots.
Phil Waldron, the retired colonel, said he spoke to Meadows “maybe eight to 10 times,” briefed members of Congress on the paths to overturning the election, and gave Meadows a list of IP addresses and servers he was hoping U.S. intelligence agencies would look into as part of an investigation into supposed election hacking. Meadows, he said, said he would pass the list to John Ratcliffe, then the director of national intelligence, though it is not clear Meadows did so. Waldron’s focus on foreign interference aligns with Meadows’ previously reported interest in a conspiracy theory about Italy using satellites to tamper with voting machines.
The select committee’s document on holding Meadows in contempt also noted texts in December 2020 about the efforts to replace the acting attorney general with Justice Department official Jeffrey Clark, who was pushing a plan to get state legislatures to overturn elections at the state level. And Meadows was texting with organizers of the Jan. 6 rally that turned into the attack on the Capitol.
The report also described what committee investigators would have asked Meadows if he had showed up for his deposition. Among other things, “We would have asked him about text messages sent to and received from a Senator regarding the Vice President’s power to reject electors, including a text in which Mr. Meadows recounts a direct communication with President Trump who, according to Mr. Meadows in his text messages, quote, ‘thinks the legislators have the power, but the VP has power Too.’” (Can’t wait to find out which senator that was.)
Meadows has sued to block the committee’s subpoenas, calling them “overly broad and unduly burdensome.” Trump is also in court trying to keep the committee from getting access to documents, citing executive privilege, but so far the courts are not sympathetic to his arguments.